y *>* 























4* ** 






J O U K N A L 



01 ["HE 



RST CONGRESS OF THE AMERICAN COLONIES, 



IN OPPOSITION T T II E 



lYKAWk'AI. ACTS (.1 III 1 ; JUUTISH PARLIAMENT. 



HELD AT NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 7, 1764. 






NttD-jJork : 

E . W I N CHESTER, 24 A N N . S T RSST 

184 5. 



V \{ E F \ C E 



The f ' iurnal of the first I s, or Convention, of the Ame- 

rican i the tyrannical Acts of Great Britain, was found 

(with • ire of John Cotton, Clerk,) among the papers of 

the H I u Rodney, th< i from Delaware, by his nephew, 

I . and was b) him handed to Mr. Niles, of the 

publication, in the year L8 12, after having been 

in vain by the statesmen of that day. Of this interesting 

Mr. Niles gives a brief account, winch he has 

i the first page of the Journal. To this .statement of Mr. Miles, 

the present editor has only to add, on the authority of the late Henry 

(who « as in 17" 1 the defender of our [lights in the 

* ) that the first movement toward this Convention was 

i y I of Ni ■ York city, Mr. John Cruger and Mr. 

I. vingston, the former of whom was at that time Mayor of the 

: the Hou mbly, and took a leading part in 

vcment >'t' his day. These gentlemen (with three 

n appoint I ,; ■ House of Assembly to 

well with their agent in Greal Britain, as with the Assem- 

lonies, on the subject of opposing the Stamp Act, and 

ni. In the discharge of these duties, 

■ :• and Mr. Livingston I cuted their 

with greal zeal and assiduity, urging upon the Colonial 

Iding a < invention of I >eh •_ 

ntinued violation of their Rights and 

pliance with these suggestions, the subject was 

\ and a circular 

1 by that body to the Legislatures of the sister Colonies, recom- 

1 ingress be held in the city of New 1 

the fi ■ ■ October, 1765. At this time and place, the Dele- 

I, although it was an earlier day than had at 
mplatcd, and before the regular sessions of the Assemblies 
r the < place, to i iw of their making an i 

* A I this comii. ge 1-i. 



appointment of Delegates ; in consequence of which a rule was adopted' 
to admit as Delegates several committees of the members of Assembly 
from such Colonies. This was the case with New York, among others; 
and her Delegates were the corresponding committee above referred to, 
viz. : Robert R. Livingston, John Cruger, Philip Livingston, William 
Bayard, Leonard Lispenard. From the pen of the second on the above 
list, Mr. John Cruger, proceeded the " Declaration of Rights," the first 
that appeared in America, and from that of Mr. Robert Livingston the 
admirably written memorial to the king. 

This first glorious assembly of the patriotic and patriarchal spiritsofour 
country, has been justly regarded as the fount (tin .spring of our revolu- 
tion — a noble and enviable distinction, accorded it by all the journalists 
of that period. In the interesting "Sketches and Anecdotesof the Revo- 
lution," by the veteran, Major Garden, (of the South Carolina Continental 
Line,) this Congress is designated the "ovum reipublicce ;" and such, be- 
yond a doubt, it was; although the citizens of New York have hitherto 
listlessly and ingloriously allowed the people of Boston, and other sections 
of our country, to claim this exalted glory, in the performance of acts 
which occurred nearly ten years subsequent to its session. Is it not 
time that we should vindicate the lofty patriotism and noble zeal of our 
ancestors in this earliest assertion of our Rights and Liberties ? Or are 
the inhabitants of our State and city of the present century to prove them- 
selves for ever deserving of the too general accusation of the civilized 
world — of being wholly absorbed in the accumulation and hoarding of 
wealth alone ? 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 



Journal of the First American (or Stamp Act) Congress, of 1765, 
Remarks of Mr. Niles, in the " National Register," of July, 1812. 

" We have several times promised t<> treat our readers with a correct 
copy of this venerable manuscript, detailing the first movements of the 
friends of freedom in the New World. It is an official copy, under the 
signature of John Cotton, Esq., Clerk to that illustrious body; and wc 
have reason to believe the only one extant. It was handed to the editor by 



his much respected friend, Cesar A. Rodney, Esq., of Delaware, who 
found it among the papers of his late revered uncle, the estimable and 
patriotic Cesar Rodney, one of the Delegates, and for many years the 
great prop and stay of Whigism in his native Suite. On a loose sheet 
of paper in the manuscript book is a list of the members, which we have 
prefixed to the Journal itself, in the handwriting of Caesar Rodney. We 
are thus particular, to show the entire authenticity of this venerable docu- 
ment, which, we are informed, many of our sages have sought for in vain. 
In this Journal the reader will not find anything to astonish or surprise 
him, but much to admire and revere. In every line he will discover a 
lofty spirit of decision and firmn ally irreconcilable with a state of 

servitude, and highly worthy of imitation at the present day. The great 
difficulties encountered by those who ori inated and formed this Con- 
gress, unknown to the laws, and in opposition to the royalists invested 
with power, are most honorable to their cause and its agents. With an 
eye steadily fixed upon freedom, they east behind them the cold maxims 
of prudence, and nobly resolved to systematize an opposition to the grow- 
ing tyranny of the ''mother country." They did so, and therein g< De- 
rated a spirit of union, that finally brought about the independence of these 
United States, and led to the establishment of our present happy Consti- 
tution." 

In a subsequent number of "Niles's National Register,*' under the 
present able editor, are the following remarks upon this ancient docu- 
ment : 

"Tin-: First American Congress. — Competition for the honor oi 
originating the American Revolution, has been the occasion of retrieving 
a precious relic from oblivion. It is to be hoped that the incentive may 
still operate, for the sake of making the present as well as future genera- 
tions better acquainted with the men and the principles of that eventful 
period. It is an honorable emulation, that of citizens of the respective 
States claiming each for his own State, the full quantum of credit to which 
its participation therein may have entitled it. It is more, it is a duty — 
a duty to the memory and to the services of our forefathers, which 
descendants would be derelid in neglecti ; 

" A New York correspondent, whos 1 letter we published a few num- 
bers back, brought prominently forward the pretensions of that State, as 
a competitor with Massachusetts, Virginia, North Carolina, or any other 
State that may have claimed to have taken the lead in a direction toward 
National Independence, or to have given the revolutionary ball the first 
impulse. New York was certainly not without intelligent and intrepid 
defenders of freedom, in the dispute between the Colonies and the mother 
country. So numerous, indeed, were they, that it would seem almost in- 



vidious to name even the Crugers, the Livingstons, the Sohuylers, the 
Clintons, the Van Rensselaers, and others, from the mass of the deserving, 
except as mere specimens representing the spirit that pervaded. 

" The more this subject is investigated, the more obvious will become 
the fact, that the American Revolution was essentially a wider diffused, 
a more general impulse, enlisting not only a greater number of distinct 
communities, independent of each other, than had hardly ever been so 
associated before, but that the proportion of individual, personal participa- 
tion, a participation in which individual judgment was called into requisi- 
tion, and individual responsibility incurred, had seldom been equalled. It 
was no momentary impulse — no burst of passion. A cool, deliberate pro- 
cess, year after year in progress, interrupted at every stage by respectful, 
unanswerable, and therefore unanswered, remonstrances. When every 
expedient, short of resistance, had been tried, over and over, resistance 
itself was tried, without an attempt to assert independence. When the 
last drop was drained from the cup of suffering, short of humiliation, the 
whole American people were ready, (Tories excepted,) with 'Declarations 
of Independence,' rather than take one drop from the cup of submission. 
Americans had not to learn to be freemen. 

" Not only have the different Colonies each its claim to distinction, in as- 
serting the rights of freemen on that occasion, in language and in mode, 
which commands the admiration of all impartial historians, but every 
County, Town and Hundred of every colony had champions pressing to 
the front rank in a cause which all regarded as involving their own and 
their country's freedom. A purer or fuller current of well-asserted Rights 
of Man never flowed from press and forum than that struggle witnessed." 

The proposal for holding a Congress of Delegates from the respective 
Colonies, was made by the corresponding committee of the New York 
Assembly, (appointed in October, 1764,) and was repeatedly agitated in 
the different legislatures. At length the Assembly of Massachusetts 
issued a circular letter, proposing the first Tuesday of October, 1765, as 
the day of their meeting, at the city of New York. To this the other 
colonies assented, and on that day (or rather on the first Monday,) the 
proposed Congress commenced their session, the Journal of whose pro- 
ceedings is subjoined. 



JOURNAL 



OK T11K 



CON T I N E N TA L C < > N ( I R E S S O F l 7 G 5 



CIRC! I. \K TO THE COLONIES. 



Boston, June, 17G5. 

Sir : The house of representatives of this province, in 

the present session ol general court, have unanimously 

:d to propose a meeting, as soon as may be, of com- 

mittees from the house of representatives or burgesses, of 

:il British colonies on this continent, to consult to- 

gether <>n the presenl circumstances of the colonics, and 

the difficulties to which they are and must be reduced by 

operatio acts of parliament, for levying duties 

and taxes on the colonies: and to consider of a general 

and united, dutiful, loyal and humble representation of 

their condition to his majesty and to the parliament, and 

relief. 

The ho ntatives of this province have also 

to pro] ich meeting be a! thecityof New- 

v i ■ pro\ n ' k, on the firsl Tuesday 

in October next, and have appointed the committee of 

three of their members to attend thai service, with Mich 

■ other houses of representatives or burgesses, in the 



several colonies, may think fit to appoint to meet them ; 
and the committee of the house of representatives of this 
province, are directed to repair to the said New- York, on 
the first Tuesday in October next, accordingly ; if, there- 
fore, your honorable house should agree to this proposal, 
it would be acceptable, that as early notice of it as possi- 
ble might be transmitted to the speaker of the house of 
representatives of this province. 

SAMUEL WHITE, Speaker. 

In consequence of the foregoing circular letter, the fol- 
lowing gentlemen met at New- York, in the province of 
New- York, on Monday, the 7th of October, 1765, viz : — 

Delegates to the Congress of 1765. 

Massachusetts. — James Otis, New Jersey. — Robert Ogden, 

Oliver Partridge, Hen chick Fisher, 

Timothy Ru;j Joseph Borden. 

Rhode Island. — Mete alf Bowler, Pennsylvania. — John Dickinson, 

Henry Wa n ! . John Morton, 

Connecticut. — Eliphalet Dyer, George Bryan. 

David Rowland, Delaware. — Thomas M'Kean, 

William S. Johnson. Caesar Rodney. 

New- York. — Robert R. Livingston, Maryland. — William Murdoch, 

John Cruger, Edward Tilghman, 

Philip Livingston, Thomas Ringgold. 

William Bayard, $■ Carolina. — Thomas Lynch, 

Leonard Lispenard. Christopher Gadsden, 

John Rutledge. 

New -Hampshire, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, 
were not represented in this congress. But their assem- 
blies wrote that they would agree to whatever was done 
by the congress. 

From the province of Massachusetts Bay, James Otis, 
Oliver Partridge, and Timothy Ruggles, Esqs., who pro- 
duced their appointment as follows, viz : — 



To James Otis, Oliver Partridge, and Timothy Ruggles, 

Esquires. 

Gentlemen : The house of representatives of this pro- 
vince, have appointed you a committee to meet at New- 
York on the first Tuesday in October next, such commit- 
tees as the other houses of representatives or burgesses in 
the several colonies on this continent, may think fit to ap- 
point, to consult together on the present circumstances of 
the colonies, on the difficulties to which they are, and must 
be reduced by the operation of the late acts of parliament. 
By this choice, the house has reposed in you a trust of sin- 
gular importance, and have just reason to expect you will 
give your utmost attention to it. In case you should re- 
ceive advice that the houses of representatives or burgesses 
of the other colonies, or any of them, agree to such com- 
mittees, to join you in this interesting affair, you are direct- 
ed to repair to New-York at the time appointed, and en- 
deavor to unite with them in sentiment, and agree upon 
such representations, as may tend to preserve our rights 
and privileges. And it is the opinion of this house, that no 
address or representation shall be esteemed the act of this 
house, unless it is agreed to and signed by the major part 
of their committee. 

If it should be said, that we are in any manner repre- 
sented in parliament, you must by no means concede to it ; 
it is an opinion which this house cannot see the least rea- 
son to adopt. 

Furl her, the house think that such a representation of 
the colonies as British subjects are to enjoy, would be at- 
tended with the greatest difficulty, if it is not absolutely 
impracticable, and therefore, you are not to urge or con- 
sent to any proposal for any representation, if such be made 
in the congress. 

It is the expectation of the house, that a most loyal and 

1* 



10 

dutiful address to his majesty and the parliament, will be 
prepared by the congress, praying as well for the removal 
of the grievances the colonies labor under at present, as 
for preventing others for the future ; which petitions, if 
drawn up, as far as you shall be able to judge, agreeable 
to the mind of the house, you are empowered to sign and 
forward ; and you are to lay a copy of the same before 
this house, and make report of your proceedings upon 
your return.* 

It is the hearty prayer of this house, that the congress 
maybe endued with that wisdom which is from above, and 
that their councils and determinations may be attended 
with the divine blessings. 

Samuel White, Speaker. 

From the colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plant- 
ations, Metcalf Bowler, and Henry Ward, Esqs., who pro- 
duced the following appointment, viz : 

By the honorable Samuel Ward, governor, captain-gen- 
eral and commander-in-chief of and over the English 
colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in 
New-England in America. 

To Metcalf Bowler, and Henry Ward, Esqs. 

Greeting : 

Whereas, the general assembly of this province have 
nominated and appointed you, the said Metcalf Bowler 
and Henry Ward, to be commissioners in behalf of this 
colony, to meet such commissioners as are or shall be ap- 
pointed by the other British governments in North Amer- 
ica, to meet at New-York on the first Tuesday of October 
next. 

*The reader may remark in all these commissions with how great authority 
the right of instruction is assumed. — Ed. Reg. 



11 

I do, therefore, hereby authorize and empower, and 
commission you, the said Metcalf Bowler and Henry 
Ward, forthwith to repair to New- York, and there, in be- 
half of this colony, to meet and join with the other com- 
missioners in consulting together on the present circum- 
stances of the colonies, and the difficulties to which they 
are and must be reduced by the operation of the act of 
parliament for levying duties and taxes upon the colonies ; 
and to consider of a general and united, dutiful, loyal and 
humble representation to his majesty and the parliament, 
and to implore relief. And you are also hereby em- 
powered to conclude and agree with the other commis- 
sioners, upon such measures as you shall think necessary 
and proper for obtaining redress of the grievances of the 
colonies, agreeably to the instructions given you by the 
general assembly of this colony. 

Given under my hand and the seal of the said colony 
this ICth day of September, 17G5, and in the fifth year of 
his majesty's reign. Samuel Ward. 

By his honor's command. 
Henry Ward, Secretary. 

From the colony of Connecticut — Eliphalet Dyer, David 
Rowland, Wm. Samuel Johnson. Esqs., who produced the 
following appointment, viz : 

At a general assembly of the governor and company of the 
colony of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, by special 
order of his honor the governor of said colony, on the 
19th day of September, Anno Dom. 1765. 
Whereas, it has been proposed that a congress be 
attended by commissioners from the several governments 
on this continent, to confer upon a general, united, humble, 
loyal and dutiful representation to his majesty and the par- 
liament, of the present circumstances of the colonies and 



12 

the difficulties to which they are and must be reduced by 
the operation of the acts of parliament for laying duties 
and taxes on the colonies, and to implore relief. 

Resolved by this assembly, That Eliphalet Dyer, David 
Rowland, and William Samuel Johnson, Esqrs., or any two 
of them, be, and are hereby appointed commissioners, on be- 
half of this colony, to repair to New- York, to attend the 
proposed congress, in the matters above referred to ; and 
his honor is hereby desired to commission them accord- 
ingly. 

A true copy, examined by 

George Wyllys, Secretary. 

At a general assembly of the governor and company of the 
colony of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, by special 
order of his honor the governor of said colony, on the 
19th day of September, Anno Dom. 1765. 
Instructions to the commissioners of this colony, appoint- 
ed to meet commissioners from the other colonies at New- 
York, on the first Tuesday of October next. 

Gentlemen : You are to repair to the said city of New- 
York, at said time, or at the time which, according to the 
intelligence you may receive of the convening of the other 
commissioners, it may appear to you seasonable and best, 
to consult together with them on the present circumstances 
of the colonies, and the difficulties to which they are and 
must be reduced, by the operation of the acts of parlia- 
ment for levying duties and taxes on the colonies, and to 
consider of and prepare a general and united, dutiful, loyal 
and humble representation of their condition to his majesty 
and the parliament, and to implore relief, &c. In your 
proceedings you are to take care that you form no such 
junction with the other commissioners as will subject you 
to the major vote of the commissioners present. 

You are to inform the governor and general assembly at 



13 

the session in October next, of all such proceedings, as ap- 
pear to you needful and convenient to be communicated 
for consideration ; and to observe all such further instruc- 
tions as you may receive ; and you are to report your do- 
ings with the doings of the commissioners at such meeting 
to the general assembly of this colony, for acceptance and 
approbation. 

A true copy, examined by 

George Wyllys, Secretary. 

Thomas Fitch, Esq., governor and commander-in- 
chief of his majesty's colony of Connecticut in 
[l. s.] New England, in America. 

To Eliphalet Dyer, David Rowland, and William Samuel 

Johnson, Esqrs. 
Greeting : 

Whereas, the general assembly of the said colony of Con- 
necticut, at their session holden at Hartford, on the nine- 
teenth day of this instant, September, nominated and ap- 
pointed you, or any two of you, to be commissioners on 
behalf of this colony, to repair to New- York to attend a con- 
gress proposed to be held there by commissioners from the 
several governments on this continent to confer upon a 
general and united, loyal, humble and dutiful representa- 
tion to his majesty and the parliament, of the present cir- 
cumstances of the colonies, and the difficulties to which 
they are and must be reduced by the operation of the acts 
of parliament, for levying duties and taxes on the colonies, 
and to implore relief, &c, and have desired me to com- 
mission you accordingly. 

I do, therefore, reposing a special trust and confidence in 
your loyalty, ability and good conduct, hereby constitute, 
authorize and commission the said Eliphalet Dyer, David 
Rowland and William Samuel Johnson, Esqs , or any two 



14 

of you, for and on behalf of this colony, to repair to the said 
city of New- York on the first day of October next, or at 
the time which, according to the intelligence you may re- 
ceive of the convening of the other commissioners, may ap- 
pear to you seasonable and best, to confer and consult with 
them or such of them as shall be present upon the conven- 
ing, the matters and things before mentioned, for the pur- 
poses, aforesaid, wherein you are to observe such instruc- 
tions as you have received, or shall further receive from 
the general assembly of the said colony of Connecticut, 
agreeable to the important trust reposed in you. 

Given under my hand, and the public seal of said colony 
of Connecticut, within the same, the twenty-first day of 
September, in the fifth year of the reign of our sovereign 
lord George the third, of Great Britain, France and Ire- 
land, king, defender of the faith, &c, Anno Domini, one 
thousand seven hundred and sixtj^-five. 

Thomas Fitch. 

By his honor's command. 
George Wyllys, Secretary. 

From the colony of New- York, Robert R. Livingston, 
John Cruger, Philip Livingston, William Bayard, Leonard 
Lispenard, Esqrs. 

Appeared, and informed the congress that since the above 
letter from the speaker of the house of representatives of 
Massachusetts Bay, the general assembly of New-York 
have not had an opportunity of meeting, but that they con- 
fidently expect, from the general sense of the people, and 
such of the representatives as they have had an opportuni- 
ty of speaking to, that when the assembly does meet, (which 
will be probably very soon) the congress will be approved, 
and a regular committee for the purpose appointed ; in the 
meantime they think themselves in some measures author- 
ised to meet the congress, by the following vote, viz : 



1.3 

Extract from the votes and proceedings of the general as- 
sembly of the colony of New York. 

Die Sabati, 9h, A. M, the 4th April, 1761. 

Mr. Speaker represented to this house, that his situation 
in the country rendered it vastly inconvenient to him alone 
to correspond with the agent of this colony, at the court of 
Great Britain, and more especially so, during the recess of 
the house. 

Ordered, That the members of the city of New- York, or 
the major part of them, be a committee of correspondence 
to correspond with the agent of this colony at the court of 
Great Britain during the recess of the house, concerning the 
public affairs of this colony ; and that they lay before the 
house copies of all such letters as they may write to him, 
and also all such letters and advices as they may receive 
from him resj^ecting the same. 

Die Jovis, 9h, A. 31. 9th December, 1762. 
Alderman Livingston, from the committee appointed to 
correspond with the agency of this colony at the court of 
Great Britain, acquainted the house, that the committee 
conceived it exp edient that one or more members should 
be added to the said committee, to correspond with the 
said agent about the affairs of this colony. 

Ordered, That Robert R. Livingston, Esq., be added to 
and be made one of the said committee of correspondence. 

Die Jovis, 9h, P. M. the 18th October, 17(34. 
Ordered, That the said committee appointed to corres- 
pond with the said agent, be also a committee during the 
recess of the house, to write to and correspond with the 
several assemblies or committees of assemblies on this con- 
tinent, on. the subject matter of the act, commonly called the 



16 

stamp act, of the act restraining paper bills of credit in the 
colonies, from being a legal tender, and of the several oth- 
er acts of parliament lately passed, with relation to the 
trade of the northern colonies ; and also on the subject of 
the impending dangers, which threaten the colonies of be- 
ing taxed by laws to be passed in Great Britain. 

Extract from, compared and examined with the records 
of the proceedings of the general assembly of the colony 
of New-York, by Abraham Lott, Clerk. 

From the colony of New Jersey, Robert Ogden, Hen- 
drick Fisher, Joseph Borden, Esqs., who produced the fol- 
lowing appointment, viz : 

At a meeting of a large number of the representatives of 

the colony of New Jersey, at the house of Robert Sproul, 

October 3d, 17G5. 

At the desire of the speaker of the house of representa- 
ives as aforesaid ; and at the earnest request of many of 
our constituents, to consider of some method for humbly 
loyally and dutifully joining in a petition to his majesty, that 
he would be graciously pleased to recommend to the par- 
liament of Great Britain to redress our grievances by re- 
pealing several of the late acts of parliament affecting the 
northern colonies, particularly that called the stamp act. 

Robert Ogden, Esq , Hendrick Fisher, Esq,, and Joseph 
Borden, Esq., were directed to attend at the congress now 
met at New York, and join the measures there to be con- 
cluded, for the purposes aforesaid, and to make report of 
their proceedings therein, at the next meeting of the gene- 
ral assembly. 

Signed by order, John Lawrence. 

From the province of Pennsylvania, John Dickinson, 
John Morton, George Bryan, Esqrs., who produced the fol- 



17 

lowing appointment in general assembly, September the 
11th, 1765, A. M. 

The house resumed the consideration of their resolution 
of yesterday, to appoint a committee of three or more of 
their members, to attend the general congress of commit- 
tees from the several assemblies on this continent, to be held 
at New- York on the first of October next, and, after some 
time spent therein, 

Resolved, That Mr. Speaker, Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Bryan, 
and Mr. Morton be, and they are, hereby, nominated and 
appointed to that service. 

A true extract copy from the journals. 

Charles Moore, Clerk of the Assembly. 

Extract from the journals of the house of representatives 
for the province of Pennsylvania. 

Wednesday, Sept. 11th, 1765, A. M. 

The committee appointed to prepare instructions for 
the deputies nominated by this house to attend the propo- 
sed congress at New- York, on the first of next month, re- 
ported an essay for that purpose, which they presented to 
the chair ; and the same being read and agreed to by the 
house, follows in these words, viz : 

Instructions to the committee appointed to meet the com- 
mittees of the other British continental colonies, at New- 
York : 

It is desired by the house that you shall, with the com- 
mittees that have been appointed by the several British 
colonies on this continent to meet at New- York, consult 
together on the present circumstances of the colonies, and 
the difficulties they are and must be reduced to by the 
late acts of parliament, for the levying duties and taxes up- 
on these colonies ; and join with the said committees in 

3 



18 

loyal and dutiful addresses to the king, and to the two 
houses of parliament, humbly representing the condition of 
these colonies, and imploring relief, by a repeal of the 
said acts ; and you are strictly required to take care that 
such addresses in which you join, are drawn up in the most 
decent and respectful terms ; so also to avoid every ex- 
pression that can give the least offence to his majesty or to 
either house of parliament. 

You are also directed to make report of your proceed- 
ings herein to the succeeding assembly. 

A true extract from the journals. 

Charles Moore, Clerk of the Assembly. 

September 26th, 17G5. 

From the government of the counties of New Castle, 
Kent and Sussex, Delaware. — Csesar Rodney and Thomas 
M'Kean, Esqrs., whose appointment are as follows, viz :- — 

Caesar Rodney and Thomas M'Kean, Esqrs., appeared 
from the government of the counties of New Castle, Kent 
and Sussex, ujion Delaware, and informed this congress 
that the representatives of the said government could not 
meet in general assembly after the above letter was wrote, 
and before the first day of this instant; that the said assem- 
bly consists only of eighteen members, fifteen of whom 
have appointed the other three to attend here, &c, by three 
several instruments of writing, which are in the words fol- 
lowing, to wit : 

To all whom these presents may come : 

Know ye, That we, the subscribers, five of the represent- 
atives of the freemen of the government of the counties of 
New Castle, Kent and Sussex, upon Delaware, sensible of 
the weighty and oppressive taxes imposed upon the good 
people of this government by divers late acts of parliament 



19 

and of the great infringement of the liberties and just es- 
tablished rights of all his majesty's colonies on this conti- 
nent, occasioned by the late measures in England ; and 
being of opinion that the method proposed by the honorable 
house of assembly of the province of Massachusetts Bay, is 
the most likely to obtain a redress of these grievances; and 
taking into consideration the misfortune we at present la- 
bor under, in not having it in our power to convene, as a 
house, and in a regular manner, to appoint a committee ; 
yet zealous for the happiness of our constituents, think it 
our duty, in this way, to serve them as much as in us lies, 
assured of the hearty approbation of any future house of 
assembly of this government ; and, therefore, do hereby 
nominate and appoint Jacob Kollock, Thomas M'Kean, 
and Caesar Rodney, Esqrs., three of the representatives of 
the same government, a committee, to repair to the city of 
New- York on the first day of October next, and there to 
join with the committees sent by the other provinces, in one 
united and loyal petition to his majesty, and remonstrate 
to the honorable house of commons of Great Britain, 
against the aforesaid acts of parliament, therein dutifully, 
yet most firmly, asserting the colonies' right of exclusion 
from parliamentary taxation ; and praying that they may 
not, in any instance, be stripped of their ancient and most 
valuable privilege of a trial by their peers, and most 
humoly imploring relief. 

In testimony whereof, we have hereunto set our hands, 
at New Castle, the twenty-first day of September, Anno- 
que Domini, 17G5. 

Evan Rice, 
Thomas Cook, 
William Armstrong, 
George Monroe, 
John Evans. 



20 

Kent county, to wit : 

We, whose names are here underwritten, members of 
the general assembly of the government of the counties of 
New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, upon Delaware, for the 
said county of Kent, though sensible of the impropriety 
of assuming the functions of assemblymen during the re- 
cess of our house, yet zealous to concur in any measure 
which may be productive of advantage to this govern- 
ment and the other British colonies on the continent of 
America in general, have appointed, and, as much as in us 
lies, do appoint, Jacob Kollock, Esq., Caesar Rodney Esq., 
and Thomas M'Kean, Esq., members of said assembly, to 
be a committee, to meet with the other committees already 
appointed, or to be appointed, by the several and respect- 
ive assemblies of said other colonies, at the city of New- 
York, on the first Tuesday in October next, in conjunction 
with the other committees, to consider of the present dis- 
tressful circumstances of the said colonies ; occasioned, in 
some measure as (we apprehend) by several late acts of 
parliament, and to join with them in an humble address to 
his most gracious majesty, and the parliament of Great 
Britain, for the redress of our grievances, or in any other 
expedient that shall be agreed on, by the said committees, 
which may tend to promote the utility and welfare of the 
British dominions in America. 

John Vining, 
John Caton, 
John Barnes, 
William Killen, 
Vincent Lockerman. 
Sept. 13ih, 17G5. 

Sussex counti/, to wit : 

We, whose names are here underwritten, members of 
the general assembly of the government of the counties of 



21 

New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, upon Delaware, for the said 
county of Sussex, though sensible of the impropriety of as- 
suming the functions of assemblymen during the recess of 
our house, yet zealous to concur in any measure which 
may be productive of advantage to this government and 
the other British colonies on the continent of America 
in general, have appointed, and as much as in us lies do 
appoint Jacob Kollock, Esq., Caesar Rodney, Esq., and 
Thomas M'Kean, Esq., members of the said assembly, to 
be a committee, to meet with the other committees already 
appointed, or to be appointed, by the several and respect- 
ive assemblies of the said other colonies, at the city of 
New-York, on the first Tuesday in October next, in con- 
junction with the said other committees, to consider of the 
present distressful circumstances of the said colonies, occa- 
sioned, in some measure (as we apprehend) by several 
late acts of parliament ; and to join with them in an hum- 
ble address to his most gracious majesty and the parliament 
of Great Britain for redress of our grievances, or any 
other expedient that shall be agreed on by the said com- 
mittees, which may tend to promote the utility and wel- 
fare of the British dominions in America. 

David Hall, 
Benj'n Burton, 
Levin Crapper, 
Tho's Robinson, 
Jacob Kollock, jun. 
Sept. 11th, 1765. 

From the province of Maryland. — William Murdock, 
Edward Tilghman, and Thomas Ringgold, Esqrs. 

Instructions from the honorable the lower house of assembly 
of the province of j}laryla?id : 

To William Murdock, Edward Tilghman, and Thomas 



22 

Ringgold, esqrs. a committee appointed to join the seve- 
ral committees from the several colonies in America, 
at New- York. 

Gentlemen : You are to repair immediately to the city 
of New- York, in the provinceof New- York, and there join 
with the committees from the houses of representatives of 
the other colonies, in a general and united, loyal and hum- 
ble representation to his majesty and the .British parlia- 
ment, of the circumstances and condition of the British 
colonies and plantations, and to pray relief from the bur- 
thens and restraints lately laid on their trade and com- 
merce ; and especially from the taxes imposed by an act 
of the last session of parliament, granting and applying 
certain stamp duties and other duties in the British colo- 
nies and plantations of America, whereby they are de- 
prived, in some instances, of that invaluable privilege of 
Englishmen and British subjects — trials by juries; that 
you take care that such representation shall humbly and 
decently, but expressly contain an assertion of the rights 
of the colonies to be exempt from all and every taxation 
and imposition upon their persons and properties to which 
they do not consent in a legislative way, either by them- 
selves or their representatives, by them freely chosen and 
appointed. 

Signed by order of the house. 

Robert Lloyd, Speaker. 

From the Province of South Carolina. — Thomas Lynch, 
Christopher Gadsden, and John Rutledge, Esqrs., who 
produced this appointment : 

Thursday, 25th July, 11Gb. — The house, (according to 
order), took into consideration the letter from the speak- 
er of the house of representatives of the of Massa- 



23 

chusetts Bay, laid laid before them on Friday last — and, 
debate arising thereon, and some time spent therein, 
Ordered, That the said letter be referred to a committee 
of the following gentlemen, viz : Capt. Gadsden, Mr. 
Wright, Mf Gaillard, Mr. Wragg, Mr. Parsons, Mr. 
Pinckney, Colonel Lawrence, Mr. Rutledge, Mr. Mani- 
gault, and Mr. Drayton. 

Friday, 2Gth July, 17G5. — Captain Gadsden reported, 
from the committee appointed to consider of the letter 
sent from the speaker of the house of representatives of 
the province of Massachusetts Bay to the speaker of this 
house, and to report their opinion thereon of the expe- 
diency and utility of the measures therein proposed, and 
the best means of effecting the relief therein mentioned. 

That they are of opinion the measure therein proposed 
is prudent and necessary, and therefore recommend to 
the house to send a committee to meet the committees 
from the houses of representatives or burgesses of the 
several British colonies on the continent, at New- York, 
on the first Tuesday in October next. 

That the said committee be ordered to consult there, 
with those other committees, on the present circumstances 
of the colonies, and the difficulties which they are and 
must be reduced to, by the operation of the acts of parlia- 
ment for levying duties and taxes on the colonies ; and to 
consider of a general and united, loyal and humble repre- 
sentation of their condition to his majesty and the par- 
liament, and to implore relief; that the result of their 
consultation shall, at their return, be immediately laid 
before the house, to be confirmed or not, as the house 
shall think proper. 

And the said report being delivered in at the clerk's 
table and read a second time, the question was severally 
put, that the house do agree to the first, second and third 



24 

paragraphs of this report. It was resolved in the af- 
firmative. 

Friday, 2d August, 1705. — Motion being made, Resolved, 
that this house will provide a sum sufficient to defray the 
charges and expenses of a committee of three gentlemen 
on account of their going to, convening at, and returning 
from the meeting of the several committees proposed to 
assemble at New-York, on the first Tuesday in October 
next, to consult there with those other committees on the 
present circumstances of the colonies, and the difficulties 
which they are and must be reduced to, by the operation 
of the acts of parliament for levying duties and taxes on 
the colonies, and to consider of a general, united, dutiful, 
loyal and humble representation of their condition to his 
majesty and the parliament, and to implore relief. 

Ordered, That the public treasurer do advance out of 
any moneys in his hands, to the said committee, a sum not 
exceeding six hundred pounds sterling, for the purpose 
aforesaid. 

Resolved, That this house will reimburse the treasurer 
the said sum. 

Ordered, That the following gentlemen be appointed a 
committee for the purpose aforesaid, viz : Mr. Thomas 
Lynch, Mr. Christopher Gadsden, and Mr. John Rut- 
ledge. 

Thursday, 8th August, 17G5. — Ordered, That the said 
speaker inform Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, and 
John Rutledge, Esquires, that they are appointed a com- 
mittee to meet the committees of the several other colo- 
nies on the continent, on the first Tuesday in October 
next, at New- York ; and that ho do acquaint them it is 
the desire of the house, that they repair to New- York on 
the said first Tuesday in October next, for the purpose 



25 

mentioned in the report of the committee, as agreed to by 
this house on Friday the 26th day of July last. 

Ordered, That three copies of the proceedings of this 
house relative to the said matter be made out, and signed 
by the speaker, and that he deliver one of the said copies 
to each of the said gentlemen. 

Rawlins Lowndes, Speaker. 

Then the said committees proceeded to choose a chair- 
man by ballot; and Timothy Ruggles, Esq. on sorting and 
counting the votes, appeared to have a majority — and 
thereupon was placed in the chair. 

Resolved, nem.con. That Mr. John Cottonhe clerk to this 
congress during the continuance thereof. 

Then the congress took into consideration the several 
appointments of the committees from New- York, New 
Jersey, and the government of the lower counties on De- 
laware — and 

Resolved, nem. con. That the same are sufficient to 
qualify the gentlemen therein named, to sit in this con- 
gress. 

Resolved, also, That the committees of each colony, shall 
have one voice only, in determining any questions that 
shall arise in the congress. 

Then the congress adjourned until to morrow morning, 
9 o'clock. 

Tuesday, October 8th, 17G5, A M. — The congress met 
according to adjournment. Upon motion, voted, that the 
provinces be* is adjourned to . Voted, That Mr. Just- 
ice Livingston, Mr. McKean, and Mr. Rutledge be a com- 
mittee to inspect the proceedings and minutes, and correct 
the same. 

Then the congress took into consideration the rights 



o 



* There appears to be some error here. — Ed. Natio.val Reg. 

4 



26 

and privileges of the British American colonists, with the 
several inconveniencies and hardships to which they are, 
and must be subjected by the operation of several late 
acts of parliament, particularly the act called the stamp 
act ; and after some time spent therein, the same was 
postponed for further consideration. 

Then the congress adjourned until to-morrow morning, 
9 o'clock. 

Wednesday, Oct. 9th. 1765, A. M. — Then the congress 
met according to adjournment. The congress resumed 
the consideration of the rights and privileges of the Bri- 
tish American colonists, &c, the same was referred after 
sundry debates, for further consideration. 

Then the congress adjourned until to-morrow morning, 
11 o'clock. 

Thursday, Oct. 10th, 1765, A. M. — Then the congress 
met according to adjournment, and resumed, &c, as yes- 
terday — and then adjourned to 10 o'clock, to-morrow 
morning. 

Friday, Oct. 11th, 1765, A. M. — The congress met ac- 
cording to adjournment, and resumed, &c, as yesterday 
— and then adjourned to 10 o'clock, to-morrow morn- 
ing. 

Saturday, Oct. 12th, 1765, A. M. — The congress met 
according to adjournment, and resumed, &c, as yester- 
day — and then adjourned to Monday morning next, 10 
o'clock. 

Monday, Oct. 14th, 1765, A. M. — The congress met 
according to adjournment, and resumed, &c , as on Satur- 
day last — and then adjourned until to-morrow morning, 9 
o'clock. 

Tuesday, Oct. Ibth, 1765, A. M. — The congress met 
according to adjournment, and resumed, &c, as yes- 



27 

terday — and then adjourned to to-morrow morning, 9 
o'clock. 

Wednesday, Oct. 16th, 1765, A. M. — The congress met 
according to adjournment, and resumed, &c. as yesterday 
— and then adjourned to to-morrow morning, 9 o'clock. 

Thursday, Oct. 11th, 17G5, A. M. — The congress met 
according to adjournment, and resumed, &c. as yesterday 
— and then adjourned to to-morrow morning, 9 o'clock. 

Friday, Oct. \Sth, 1765, A. M. — The congress met ac- 
cording to adjournment, and resumed, &c. as yesterday — 
and then adjourned to to-morrow morning, 9 o'clock. 

Saturday, Oct. 19th, 1765, A. M. — The congress met 
according to adjournment, and resumed, &c. as yester- 
day ; and upon mature deliberation, agreed to the follow- 
ing declaration* of the rights and grievances of the colo- 
nists in America, which were ordered to be inserted. 

DECLARATION OF RIGHTS. 

The members of this congress, sincerely devoted, with 
the warmest sentiments of affection and duty to his ma- 
jesty's person and government, inviolably attached to the 
present happy establishment of the protestant succession, 
and with minds deeply impressed by a sense of the pre- 
sent and impending misfortunes of the British colonies on 
this continent ; having considered as maturely as time 
would permit, the circumstances of said colonies, esteem 
it our indispensable duty to make the following declara- 
tions, of our humble opinions, respecting the most essential 

This " Declaration of Rights," the first manifesto of the first congress 
of North America, was from the pen of John Cruger, a delegate to said 
congress from New-York, and who at the same time was speaker of the 
assembly of that colony, and mayor of the city of New-York. — Ed. Nat, 
Register. 



28 

rights and liberties of the colonists, and of the grievances 
under which they labor, by reason of several late acts of 
parliament. 

1st That his majesty's subjects in these colonies, owe 
the same allegiance to the crown of Great Britain, that is 
owing from his subjects born within the realm, and all due 
subordination to that august body, the, parliament of Great 
Britain. 

2d. That his majesty's liege subjects in these colonies 
are entitled to all the inherent rights and privileges of his 
natural born subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain, 

3d. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a 
people, and the undoubted rights of Englishmen, that no 
taxes should be imposed on them, but with their own 
consent, given personally, or by their representatives. 

4-th. That the people of these colonies are not, and from 
their local circumstances, cannot be represented in the 
house of commons in Great Britain. 

5th. That the only representatives of the people of 
these colonies, are persons chosen therein, by themselves ; 
and that no taxes ever have been, or can be constitution- 
ally imposed on them, but by their respective legislatures. 

Cth. That all supplies to the crown, being free gifts 
of the people, it is unreasonable and inconsistent with the 
principles and spirit of the British constitution, for the 
people of Great Britain to grant to his majesty the pro- 
perty of the colonists. 

7th. That trial by jury is the inherent and invalu- 
able right of every British subject in these colonies. 

8th. That the late act of parliament entitled, an act for 
granting and applying certain stamp duties, and other 
duties in the British colonies and plantations in America, 
&c, by imposing taxes on the inhabitants of these colonies, 
and the said act, and several other acts, by extending the 
jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond its ancient 



29 

limits, have a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and 
liberties of the colonists. 

9th. That the duties imposed by several late acts of 
parliament, from the peculiar circumstances of these co- 
lonies, will be extremely buthensome and grievous, and 
from the scarcity of specie, the payment of them abso- 
lutely impracticable. 

10th. That as the profits of the trade of these colonies 
ultimately centre in Great Britain, to pay for the manu- 
factures which they are obliged to take from thence, they 
eventually contribute very largely to all supplies granted 
there to the crown. 

11th. That the restrictions imposed by several late acts 
of parliament, on the trade of these colonies, will render 
them unable to purchase the manufactures of Great 
Britain. 

12th. That the increase, prosperity," and happiness of 
these colonies, depend on the full and free enjoyment 
of their rights and liberties, and an intercourse, with Great 
Britain, mutually affectionate and advantageous. 

loth. That it is the right of the British subjects in 
these colonies, to petition the king or either house of par- 
liament. 

Lastty, That it is the indispensable duty of these colo- 
nics to the best of sovereigns, to the mother country, and 
to themselves, to endeavor, by a loyal and dutiful address 
to his majesty, and humble application to both houses of 
parliament, to procure the repeal of the act for granting 
and applying certain stamp duties, of all clauses of any 
other acts of parliament, whereby the jurisdiction of the 
admiralty is extended as aforesaid, and of the other late 
acts for the restriction of the American commerce. 

Upon motion, voted, That Robert R. Livingston, Will- 
iam Samuel Johnson, and William Murdock, Esqrs., be a 



30 

committee to prepare an address to his majesty, and lay 
the same before the congress on Monday next. 

Voted also, that John Rutledge, Edward Tilghman, and 
Philij:> Livingston, Esqrs., be a committee to prepare a 
memorial and petition to the lords in parliament, and lay 
the same before the congress on Monday next. 

Voted, also, that Thomas Lynch, James Otis, and Tho- 
mas McKean, Esqrs. be a committee to prepare a petition 
to the house of commons of Great Britain, and lay the 
same before the congress on Monday next. 

Then the congress adjourned to Monday next, at 12 
o'clock. 

Monday, Oct. 2\st, 17G5, A.M. — The committee ap- 
pointed to prepare and bring in an address to his majesty, 
did report, that they have essayed a draught for that pur- 
pose, which they laid on the table, and humbly submitted 
to the correction of the congress. 

The said address was read, and, after sundry amend- 
ments, the same was approved of by the congress, and 
ordered to be engrossed. 

The committee, appointed to prepare and bring in a 
memorial and petition to the lords in parliament, did re- 
port that that they had essayed a draught for that pur- 
pose, which they laid on the table, and humbly submitted 
to the correction of the congress. 

The said address was read, and after sundry amend- 
ments, the same was approved of by the congress, and 
ordered to be engrossed. 

The committee appointed to prepare and bring in a 
petition to the house of commons of Great Britain, did 
report that they had essayed a draught for that purpose, 
which they laid on the table, and humbly submitted to the 
correction of the congress. 

The said address was read, and, after sundry amend- 



31 

ments, the same was approved of by the congress, and 
ordered to be engrossed. 

Then the congress adjourned to to-morrow morning, at 
9 o'clock. 

Tuesday, Oct. 22d, 17G5, A. 31. — The congress met ac- 
cording to adjournment. The address to his majesty 
being engrossed, was read and compared, and is as fol- 
lows, viz : 

To the King's most excellent majesty. 

The petition of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of the 
colonies of Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Provi- 
dence Plantations, New-York, New Jersey, Pennsylva- 
nia, the government of the counties of New Castle, Kent 
and Sussex, upon Delaware, and province of Maryland,* 

Most humbly sheweth, 

That the inhabitants of these colonies, unanimously 
devoted with the warmest sentiments of duty and affec- 
tion to your sacred person and government, and inviolably 
attached to the present happy establishment of the pro- 
testant succession in your illustrious house, and deeply 
sensible of your royal attention to their prosperity and 
happiness, humbly beg leave to approach the throne, by 
representing to your majesty, that these colonies were 
originally planted by subjects of the British crown, who, 
animated with the spirit of liberty, encouraged by your 
majesty's royal predecessors, and confiding in the public 
faith for the enjoyment of all the rights and liberties es- 
sential to freedom, emigrated from their native country to 
this continent, and, by their successful perseverance, in 
the midst of innumerable dangers and difficulties, together 

* South Carolina, we presume, was omitted in the copy. — Ed. 



32 

with a profusion of their blood and treasure, have happily 
added these vast and extensive dominions to the Empire 
of Great Britain. 

That, for the enjoyment of these rights and liberties, 
several governments were early formed in the said colo- 
nies, with full power of legislation, agreeably to the prin- 
ciples of the English constitution ; — that, under these 
governments, these liberties, thus vested in their ances- 
tors, and transmitted to their posterity, have been ex- 
ercised and enjoyed, and by the inestimable blessings 
thereof, under the favor of Almighty God, the inhospitable 
deserts of America have been converted into flourishing 
counties ; science, humanity, and the knowledge of divine 
truths diffused through remote regions of ignorance, in- 
fidelity, and barbarism ; the number of British subjects 
wonderfully increased, and the wealth and power of Great 
Britain proportionably augmented. 

That, by means of these settlements and the unparal- 
leled success of your majesty's arms, a foundation is now 
laid for rendering the British empire the most extensive 
and powerful of any recorded in history ; our connection 
with this empire we esteem our greatest happiness and 
security, and humbly conceive it may now be so estab- 
lished by your royal wisdom, as to endure to the latest 
period of time ; this, with the most humble submission to 
your majesty, we apprehend will be most effectually 
accomplished by fixing the pillars thereof on liberty and 
justice, and securing the inherent rights and liberties of 
your subjects here, upon the principles of the English 
constitution. To this constitution, these two principles 
are essential ; the rights of your faithful subjects freely to 
grant to your majesty such aids as are required for the 
support of your government over them, and other public 
exigencies; and trials by their peers. By the one they 
are secured from unreasonable impositions, and by the 



33 

other from the arbitrary decisions of the executive power. 
The continuation of these liberties to the inhabitants of 
America, we ardently implore, as absolutely necessary to 
unite the several parts of your wide extended dominions, 
in that harmony so essential to the preservation and hap- 
piness of the whole. Protected in these liberties, the 
emoluments Great Britain receives from us, however great 
at present, are inconsiderable, compared with those she 
has the fairest prospect of acquiring. By this protection, 
she will for ever secure to herself the advantages of con- 
veying to all Europe, the merchandize which America 
furnishes, and for supplying, through the same channel, 
whatsoever is wanted from thence. Here opens a bound- 
less source of wealth and naval strength. Yet these 
immense advantages, by the abridgement of those invalu- 
able rights and liberties, by which our growth has been 
nourished, are in danger of being for ever lost, and our 
subordinate legislatures in effect rendered useless by the 
late acts of parliament imposing duties and taxes on these 
colonies, and extending the jurisdiction of the courts of 
admiralty here, beyond its ancient limits ; statutes by 
which your majesty's commons in Britain undertake abso- 
lutely to dispose of the property of their fellow-subjects in 
America without their consent, and for the enforcing 
whereof, they are subjected to the determination of a 
single judge, in a court unrestrained by the wise rules of 
the common law, the birthright of Englishmen, and the 
safeguard of their persons and properties. 

The invaluable rights of taxing ourselves and trial by 
our peers, of which we implore your majesty's protec- 
tion, are not, we most humbly conceive, unconstitutional* 
but confirmed by the Great Charter of English liberties. 
On the first of these rights the honorable house of commons 
found their practice of originating money, a right enjoyed 
by the kingdom of Ireland, by the clergy of England, un- 

5 



34 

til relinquished by themselves ; a right, in line, which all 
other your majesty's English subjects, both within and 
without the realm, have hitherto enjoyed. 

With hearts, therefore, impressed with the most indeli- 
ble characters of gratitude to your majesty, and to the 
memory of the kings of your illustrious house, whose reigns 
have been signally distinguished by their auspicious influ- 
ence on the prosperity of the British dominions ; and con- 
vinced by the most affecting proofs of your majesty's pa- 
ternal love to all your people, however distant, and your 
unceasing and benevolent desires to promote their happi- 
ness ; we most humbly beseech your majesty that you 
will be graciously pleased to take into your royal consi- 
deration the distresses of your faithful subjects on this 
continent, and to lay the same before your majesty's par- 
liament, and to afford them such relief as, in your royal 
wisdom, their unhappy circumstances shall be judged to 
require. 

And your petitioners will pray, &c. 

The memorial to the lords in parliament being en- 
grossed, was read and compared, and is as follows, viz : 

To the right honorable the Lords spiritual and temporal of 
Great Britain in parliament assembled : 

The memorial of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of 
the colonies of Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations, New- York, New Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania, the government of the counties of New Castle, 
Kent and Sussex, upon Delaware, and province of 
Maryland, in America, 

Most humbly sheweth, 

That his majesty's liege subjects in his American 



35 

colonies, though they acknowledge a due subordination to 
that august body the British parliament, are entitled, in 
the opinion of your memorialists, to all the inherent rights 
and liberties of the natives of Great Britain, and have 
ever since the settlement of the said colonies, exercised 
those rights and liberties, as far as their local circum- 
stances would permit. 

That your memorialists humbly conceive that one of 
the most essential rights of these colonists, which they 
have ever till lately uninterruptedly enjoyed, to be trial 
by jury. 

That your memorialists also humbly conceive another 
of these essential rights, to be the exemption from all 
taxes, but such as are imposed on the people by the seve- 
ral legislatures in these colonies, which rights they have 
also till of late enjoyed. But your memorialists humbly 
beg leave to represent to your lordships, that the act for 
granting certain stamp duties in the British colonies in 
America, &c, fills his majesty's American subjects with 
the deepest concern, as it tends to deprive them of the 
two fundamental and invaluable rights and liberties above 
mentioned ; and that several other late acts of parliament, 
which extend the jurisdiction and power of courts of ad- 
miralty in the plantations beyond their limits in Great 
Britain, thereby make an unnecessary, unhappy distinc- 
tion, as to the modes of trial between us and our fellow- 
subjects there, by whom we never have been excelled in 
duty and loyalty to our sovereign. 

That from the natural connection between Great Bri- 
tain and America, the perpetual continuance of which 
your memorialists most ardently desire, they conceive 
that nothing can conduce more to the interest of both, 
than the colonists, free enjoyment of their rights and liber- 
ties, and an affectinate intercourse between Great Britain 
and them. But your memorialists (not waiving their 



36 

claim to these rights, of which, with the most becoming 
veneration and deference to the wisdom and justice of 
your lordships, they apprehend, they cannot reasonably 
be deprived,) humbly represent, that, from the peculiar 
circumstances of these colonies, the duties imposed by the 
aforesaid act, and several other late acts of parliament, 
are extremely grievous and burthensome ; and the pay- 
ment of the several duties will very soon, for want of spe- 
cie, become absolutely impracticable ; and that the re- 
strictions on trade by the said acts, will not only distress 
the colonies, but must be extremely detrimental to the 
trade and true interest of Great Britain. 

Your memorialists, therefore, impressed with a just 
sense of the unfortunate circumstances of the colonies, the 
impending destructive consequences which must necessa- 
rily ensue from the execution of these acts, and animated 
with the warmest sentiments of filial affection for their 
mother country, most earnestly and humbly entreat your 
lordships will be pleased to hear their council in support 
of this memorial, and take the premises into your most seri- 
ous consideration, and that your lordships will also be 
thereupon pleased to pursue such measures for restoring 
the just rights and liberties of the colonies, and preserving 
them for ever inviolate ; for redressing their present, and 
preventing future grievances, thereby promoting the united 
interests of Great Britain and America, as your lordships, 
in your great wisdom, shall seem most conducive and 
effectual to that important end. 

And vour memorialists will pray, &c. 



Then the congress adjourned to to-morrow morning, 9 
o'clock. 



Wednesday, Oct. 23d, 1765, A. M. — The congress met 
according to adjournment. 



37 

The petition to the house of commons being engrossed, 
was read and compared, and is as follows, viz : 

To the honorable the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, of 
Great Britain, in parliament assembled, 

The petition of his majesty's dutiful, loyal subjects, the 
Freeholders and other Inhabitants of the colonies of 
Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence 
Plantations, New- York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
the government of the counties of New Castle, Kent 
and Sussex, upon Delaware, and province of Maryland, 
in America. 

Most humbly shcwcth, 

That the several late acts of parliament, imposing 
divers duties and taxes on the colonies, and laying the 
trade and commerce under very burthensome restric- 
tions ; but above all, the act for granting and applying 
certain stamp duties in America, have filled them with the 
deepest concern and surprise, and they humbly conceive 
the execution of them will be attended with consequences 
very injurious to the commercial interests of Great Bri- 
tain and her colonies, and must terminate in the eventual 
ruin of the latter. Your petitioners, therefore, most ar- 
dently implore the attention of the honorable house to the 
united and dutiful representation of their circumstances, 
and to their earnest supplications for relief from their 
regulations, that have already involved this continent in 
anxiety, confusion and distress. We most sincerely re- 
cognise our allegiance to the crown, and acknowledge all 
due subordination to the parliament of Great Britain, and 
shall always retain the most grateful sense of their assist- 
ance and approbation ; it is from and under the English 
constitution we derive all our civil and religious rights 



38 

and liberties ; we glory in being subjects of the best of 
kings, having been born under the most perfect form of 
government. But it is with the most ineffable and humi- 
liating sorrow that we find ourselves of late deprived of 
the right of granting our own property for his majesty's 
service, to which our lives and fortunes are entirely de- 
voted, and to which, on his royal requisitions, we have 
been ready to contribute to the utmost of our abilities. 

We have also the misfortune to find that all the penal- 
ties and forfeitures mentioned in the stamp act, and divers 
late acts of trade extending to the plantations, are, at the 
election of the informers, recoverable in any court of ad- 
miralty in America. This, as the newly erected court of 
admiralty has a general jurisdiction over all British Amer- 
ica, renders his majesty's subjects in these colonies liable 
to be carried, at an immense expense, from one end of the 
continent to the other. It always gives us great pain to see 
a manifest distinction made therein between the subjects 
of our mother country and the colonies, in that the like 
penalties and forfeitures recoverable there only in his 
majesty's courts of record, are made cognizable here by a 
court of admiralty. By this means we seem to be, in 
effect, unhappily deprived of two privileges essential to 
freedom, and which all Englishmen have ever considered 
as their best birthrights — that of being free from all taxes 
but such as they have consented to in person, or by their 
representatives, and of trial by their peers. 

Your petitioners further shew, that the remote situation 
and other circumstances of the colonies, render it imprac- 
ticable that they should be represented but in their re- 
spective subordinate legislatures ; and they humbly con- 
ceive that the parliament adhering strictly to the principles 
of the constitution, have never hitherto taxed any but 
those who were therein actually represented ; for this 
reason, we humbly apprehend, they never have taxed 



Ireland, nor any other of the subjects without the realm. 
But were it ever so clear, that the colonies might in law 
be reasonably represented in the honorable house of 
commons, yet we conceive that very good reasons, from 
inconvenience, from the principles of true policy, and from 
the spirit of the British constitution, may be adduced to 
shew, that it would be for the real interest of Great Bri- 
tain, as well as her colonies, that the late regulations 
should be rescinded, and the several acts of parliament 
imposing duties and taxes on the colonies, and extending 
the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty here, beyond 
their ancient limits, should be repealed. 

We shall not attempt a minute detail of all the reasons 
which the wisdom of the honorable house may suggest^ 
on this occasion, but would humbly submit the following 
particulars to their consideration : 

That money is already very scarce in these colonies, 
and is still decreasing by the necessary exportation of 
specie from the continent for the discharging of our debts 
to British merchants ; that an immensely heavy debt is 
yet due from the colonists for British manufactures, and 
that they are still heavily burdened with taxes to dis- 
charge the arrearages due for aids granted by them in the 
late war ; that the balance of trade will ever be much 
against the colonies, and in favor of Great Britain, whilst 
we consume her manufactures ; the demand of which 
must ever increase in proportion to the number of inhabi- 
tants settled here, with the means of purchasing them. 
We, therefore, humbly conceive it to be the interest of 
Great Britain to increase rather than diminish those 
means, as the profit of all the trade of the colonies ulti- 
mately centre there to pay for her manufactures, as we 
are not allowed to purchase elsewhere, and by the con- 
sumption of which at the advanced prices the British 
taxes oblige the makers and venders to set on them, we 



40 

eventually contribute very largely to the revenues of the 
crown. 

That, from the nature of American business, the multi- 
plicity of suits and papers used in matters of small value, 
in a country where freeholds are so minutely divided, and 
property so frequently transferred, a stamp duty must be 
ever very burthensome and unequal. 

That it is extremely improbable that the honorable 
house of commons should at all times be thoroughly ac- 
quainted with our condition, and all facts requisite to a 
just and equal taxation of the colonies. 

It is also humbly submitted whether there be not a 
material distinction, in reason and sound policy, at least, 
between the necessary exercise of parliamentary jurisdic- 
tion in general acts, and the common law, and the regula- 
tions of trade and commerce, through the whole empire, 
and the exercise of that jurisdiction by imposing taxes on 
the colonies. 

That the several subordinate provincial legislatures 
have been moulded into forms as nearly resembling that 
of the mother country, as by his majesty's royal predeces- 
sors was thought convenient ; and these legislatures seem 
to have been wisely and graciously established, that the 
subjects in the colonies might, under the due administration 
thereof, enjoy the happy fruits of the British government, 
which in their present circumstances they cannot be so 
fully and clearly availed of any other way. 

Under these forms of government we and our ancestors 
have been born or settled, and have had our lives, liber- 
ties, and properties protected ; the people here as every 
where else, retain a great fondness of their old customs 
and usages, and we trust that his majesty's service, and the 
interest of the nation, so far from being obstructed, have 
been vastly promoted by the provincial legislatures. 

That we esteem our connection with and dependence 



41 

on Great Britain, as one of our greatest blessings* and ap- 
prehend the latter will be sufficiently secure, when it is 
considered that the inhabitants in the colonies have the 
most unbounded affection for his majesty's person, family, 
and government, as well as for the mother country, and 
that their subordination to the parliament is universally 
acknowledged. 

We, therefore, most humbly entreat that the honorable 
house would be pleased to hear our council in support of 
this petition, and to take our distressed and deplorable 
case into their serious consideration, and that the acts and 
clauses of acts so grievously restraining our trade and 
commerce, imposing duties and taxes on our property, 
and extending the jurisdiction of the court of admiralty 
beyond its ancient limits, may be repealed ; or that the 
honorable house would otherwise relieve your petitioners, 
as in your great wisdom and goodness shall seem meet. 

And your petitioners shall ever pray, &c. 



Then the congress adjourned until to-morrow morning, 
10 o'clock. 



Tuesday, Oct. 24th, 1765, A. M. — The congress met ac- 
cording to adjournment. 

The congress took into consideration the manner in 
which their several petitions should be preferred and soli- 
cited in Great Britain, and thereupon came to the follow- 
ing determination, viz : 

It is recommended bv the congress to the several colo- 
nies to appoint special agents for soliciting relief from their 
present grievances, and to unite their utmost interest and 
endeavors for that purpose. 

Voted, unanimously, that the clerk of this congress sign 

6 



42 

the minutes of their proceedings, and deliver a copy for 
the use of each colony and province. 
By order of the congress. 

John Cotton, Clerk. 



A copy of the proceedings of the province of New 
Hampshire, as transmitted to the congress. 

Province of New Hampshire. 

In the House of Representatives, June 29th, 1765. 

Mr. Speaker laid before the house a letter from the 
honorable speaker of the honorable representatives of the 
province of Massachusetts Bay, to the speaker of this as- 
sembly, proposing a meeting of committees from the seve- 
ral assemblies of the British colonies on the continent, at 
New- York, to consider of a general, united, dutiful, loyal, 
and humble representation of our committees, and for im- 
ploring his majesty and the parliament for relief; which 
being read, 

Resolved, That notwithstanding we are sensible that 
such a representation ought to be made, and approve of 
the proposed method for obtaining thereof, yet the present 
situation of our governmental affairs will not permit us to 
appoint a committee to attend such meeting, but shall be 
ready to join in any address to his majesty and the parlia- 
ment we may be honored with the knowledge of, probable 
to answer the proposed end. 

A Clarkson, Clerk. 

A copy of a letter received from Georgia, during the 
sitting of the congress : 

Savannah, in Georgia, Sept. 6th, 1765. 
Sir : Your letter dated in June last, acquainting me that 
the house of representatives of your province, had unani- 



46 

mously agreed to propose a meeting at the city of New- 
York, of committees from the houses of representatives of 
the several British colonies on this continent, on the first 
Tuesday in October next, to consult together on the pre- 
sent circumstances of the colonies, and the difficulties to 
which they are and must be reduced by the operation of 
the acts of parliament, for laying duties and taxes on the 
colonies, and to consider of an humble representation of 
their condition to his majesty and the parliament, and to 
implore relief, came to hand at an unlucky season, it being 
in the recess of the general assembly of this province. 
Nevertheless, immediately upon the receipt of your letter, 
I dispatched expresses to the several representatives of 
this province, acquainting them with the purport thereof, 
and requesting them to meet at this place without delay. 

And accordingly they met here on Monday last, to the 
number of sixteen, being a large majority of the represen- 
tatives of this province ; the whole consisting of twenty- 
five persons, but his excellency our governor, being applied 
to, did not think it expedient to call them together on the 
occasion ; which is the reason of not sending a committee 
as proposed by your house, for you may be assured, no 
representatives on this continent can more sincerely con- 
cur in the measures proposed, than do the representatives 
of the province now met together ; neither can any peo- 
ple, as individuals, more warmly espouse the common 
cause of the colonies, than do the people of this province. 

The gentlemen now present request, as a favor, you will 
be pleased to send me a copy of such representation as 
may be agreed upon by the several committees at New- 
York, and acquaint me how, and in what manner the same 
is to be laid before the king and parliament, whether by 
any person particularly authorized for that purpose, or by 
the colony agents. The general assembly of this province 
stands prorogued to the 22d day of October next, which is 



44 

the time it generally meets for the dispatch of the ordinary 
business of the province ; and I doubt not the representa- 
tives of this province will then, in their legislative capacity, 
take under consideration the grievances so justly com- 
plained of, and transmit their sense of the same to Great 
Britain, in such way as may seem best calculated to obtain 
redress, and so as to convince the sister colonies of their 
inviolable attachment to the common cause. 

1 am, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, 

Alex. Wylly. 

To Samuel White, Esq., speaker of the house of rep- 
resentatives of Massachusetts Bay, in New England. 

The two foregoing letters are true copies from the ori- 
ginal. 

Attest. John Cotton, Clerk. 



APPENDIX. 



I. 



The patriotic efforts of Henry Cruger, whilst Mayor of Bristol and 
member of Parliament, in behalf of his native country, are set forth in 
the following communications to " Niles's National Register," as well as 
the services of his uncle, John Cruger,* whilst Mayor of New- York : 

THE FIRST AMERICAN ELECTED TO THE BRITISH PAR- 
LIAMENT—THE FIRST MOVEMENT OF THE REVOLU- 
TION. 

To Jeremiah Hughes, Esq., Editor of Niles's Weekly Register : 

Dear Sir : — In passing through Baltimore, last month, I had the plea- 
sure of a short conversation with you on the subject of the early incidents 
of our country, during and previous to our glorious Revolution. I then 
referred you to a most remarkable and precious old record, preserved in 
that rare and valuable work of Mr. Niles, entitled, " The Acts and Prin- 
ciples of the Revolution." This antique record establishes a fact in our 
early history which appears to be almost (if not entirely) unknown to our 
citizens, namely : that the very first movement of the Revolution was made 
in the city of New- York, by the convoking and holding a Convention of 
the Colonies, as early as March, 1765, to remonstrate and protest 
against the oppressions of the Mother Country. In this venerable 
Journal of that Convention no mention is made of the master-spirits in the 
city of New-York who first suggested and carried through this most im- 
portant movement, which may most properly be termed the fountain spring 
of our Revolution and Independenc. But, fortunately, I can afford you 
that information from authentic tradition ift some of our oldest families in 
New- York, which establishes the fact that the first great movement origi- 
nated with, and was carried through, by two gentlemen of this city, who 
were much distinguished in their day and generation. These gentlemen 

* The first emigrant of this (Cruger) family, in 1660, came to America purely from 
a love of freedom and independence, this family in Bristol being of great wealth, and 
tracing their descent from Sir Philip Cruciger, (Cross-bearer) who went with King 
Richard to the Crusades. 



46 

were Robert Livingston and John Cruger. whose name? you find among 
the first on the roll of that Convention. From the pen of the latter oi 
those gentlemen proceeded the admirable Declaration of Rights, published 
in that Journal ; and in all the proceedings of that Congress he took a 
leading part. In the year of its session he held the important offices of 
Speaker of the Assembly and Maj^or of the city f New- York, and was, 
in other respects, one of its most distinguished citizens. Of these facts, 
ell as some others connected with our early history, you will find a 
record in the number of the Knickerbocker Magazine, for January. 1S43, 
which I herewith send you. according to my promise. This record you 
will find in an editorial article, under the head of " Election to Parliament 
of Burke and Cruger. for Bristol," in which some notices are given of 
the efforts of Mr. Henry Cruger in Parliament in favor of the Independ- 
ence of our country, of which he was a native, being a nephew of the 
above-named Mr. John Cruger, and, like him, born in the city of New- 
York. 

When I had the pleasure of conversing with you on these subjects, I 
promised to send you this brief notice, as well as some extracts from the 
speeches of Mr. Henry Cruger in Parliament, advocating our Independ- 
ence. For these you were so kind as to promise me an insertion in your 
valuable Journal. The promised extracts I will endeavor to send you in 
a short time ; and, in the meantime, would be much obliged by your in- 
sertion of the editorial notice above referred to. 

In our brief conversation in reference to the ancient Journal of the 
Congress of 1765, held in New. York, you spoke of your intention to re- 
publish that precious and almost (if not quite) forgotten record. This 
intention I most earnestly hope you will soon put in force, as New- York 
has hitherto quietly and most strangely allowed both Boston and Mecklen- 
burg (in North Carolina) to claim the honor of the first movements in the 
birth of our Revolution, in acts which occurred ten years later than this 
great and glorious proceeding in the city of New- York, which has justly 
been termed the " Ovum Reipublicse." 

From the Knickerbocker of January, 1843. 
The Election of Btteke axd Cet/gee, foe Beistol. — We have re- 
ceived from a correspondent, evidently familiar with the facts which 
he lays before us, a communication touching upon our article in the 
November Knickerbocker, on the election of Burke and Cruger, for 
Bristol : referring to the sentiments expressed by the former on that oc- 
casion, and presenting extracts from his addresses, both before and after 
the election. We regret that, in looking over our articles filed for promised 
insertion, we find ourselves compelled to condense, to some extent, the 
interesting paper of our correspondent ; taking care, however, as we hope, 



47 

to retain the more important particulars. The writer regret? that, while 
we were recalling the election scenes of Bristol and the remarks of Mr. 
Burke, we did not, at the same time, present a few extracts from the ad- 
dresses delivered on the same (occasion by our former fellow-townsman, Mr. 
Henry Cruger. who was three times elected to Parliament, and alike dis- 
tinguished in and out of that body. His effective exertions in behalf of 
American liberty and American interests will not soon be forgotten. It 
is worthy of remark, too, that he was the first and, till within a few vears, 
the only American elected to the British Parliament. Mr. Henrv Cruger 
(who was Mayor of the city of Bristol at the time of his election as col- 
league of Mr. Burke,) was born in this city, in 1739. His father, who, 
like his son, had been Mayor of Bristol, was also a native of New-York ; 
his fatheF, one of the largest and most influential merchants of his day, 
having emigrated to America as early as 1660. 

Among the sons of this first emigrant of one of our oldest Knicker- 
bocker families, John (uncle of Henry) was three times Mayor of New- 
York, and Speaker of the House of Assembly, to which office he was 
elected in opposition to Hon. William Livingston, afterward Governor of 
New-Jersey.* He was also a delegate from this city to the first Congress 
of States held in America in 1765, whence the first protest was sent to 
the king and Parliament against their unauthorized encrorchments upon 
the rights of the Colonists. Mr. Henry Cruger, the colleague of Burke, 
removed to Bristol when quite a youth, and Avas afterwards known as a 
large merchant : his elder brother, Nicholas, remaining in New- York, 
engaged in extensive commercial transactions, particularly with the West 
Indies, where, it may not be amiss to mention, he had it in his power to 
patronize the afterward distinguished statesman, General Alexander Ham- 
ilton, then an orphan boy in his counting-room, whom he sent in one of 
his own ships to this country for his education. General Hamilton was 
always proud to acknowledge and prompt to reciprocate these early kind- 
nesses of Mr. Nicholas Cruger. Meantime, Mr. Henry Cruger, a gentle- 
man of polished manners, well cultivated mind, and great personal popu- 
larity, was elected Mayor of Bristol ; and it was through his urgent solici- 
tation that his friend, Mr. Burke, was induced to become a candidate for 
Parliament, he being then an almost entire stranger to the people of Bris- 
tol ; and k is believed that mainly through the influence of Mr. Cruger, the 
election of Burke was secured ; since, elevated and enviable as was his 
subsequent renown, he had at that time obtained but little distinction. 

In some of the first-published notices of the life of Mr. Burke, a ridicu- 

* It was during the heat of this political contest thac the famous old song was in 
vogue, which ended with the chorus of 

" The Livingstons and Yanceys, 
The Crugers and De Lanceys." 



48 

lous and malicious anecdote was related by some enemy of Mr. Cruger, 
to the effect that he made no address to the people at the polls, but con- 
tented himself with the exclamation — " I say ditto to Mr. Burke!" The 
absurdity of this story is proved by the fact recorded in the newspapers of 
that period, namely : that Mr. Cruger, a well known citizen and Mayor of 
Bristol, in a very able and eloquent opening address, to which his colleague 
handsomely referred, introduced Mr. Burke for the first time to the elec- 
tors of the city. Mr. Cruger, therefore, preceeded and did not succeed 
Mr. Burke in addressing the people. Our correspondent, who has perused 
the address in question, was impressed with the elegance of its style and 
the cogency of its reasoning ; and he assures us that the journals of that 
day award high praise to the speaker's command of language, his flashes 
of wit and his classical illustrations — attributes well known to all who 
had the pleasure of his acquaintance or had listened to him in Parlia- 
ment. The amusing occurrence referred to occurred in the case of a 
Mr. Carrington, on another occasion ; but, in the newspapers of the day, 

the anecdote was related in connection with the initial " Mr. C ," 

under the cloak of which some enemy of Mr.Cruger's, long after malici- 
ously applied the story to him. Some of his speeches in Parliament have 
lately been re-published in the Life of Peter Van Schaack, Esq., hereto- 
fore noticed in the Knickerbocker. Mr. Van Schaack, having married 
a sister of Mr. Cruger's, a long and interesting correspondence on Ameri- 
can affairs was maintained between them. Among the speeches con- 
tained in this biography, is the maiden-speech delivered by Mr. Cruger 
in Parliament. In relation to this speech and the effect it produced on 
the minds of his hearers, a letter from the Rev. Dr. Vardill, rector of 
Trinity Church, New-York, who was then in England, contains the fol- 
lowing remarks : 

" Mr. Cruger's fame has, I suppose, by this time reached his native 
shore. His applause has been universally sounded in this country. Ad- 
ministration applauds him for his moderation ; Oppositijn for the just line 
he has drawn, and all men for his modest eloquence and graceful delivery. 
His enemies are silenced by the strongest confutation of their charges 
against him of illiberal invective against the people of England, by his 
manly defence of his country, and honorable approbation of his opponents 
wherever he thought them justifiable. I was in the house on the debate. 
It was remarkably crowded with members, and the galleries were filled 
with peers and persons of distinction. When Mr. Cruger rose, there was 
a deep silence. He faltered a little at first, but, as he proceeded, the cry 
of " Hear him ! hear him !" animated him with resolution. Hood, the 
Irish orator, sat behind me. He asked, ' Who is that ? who is that ? 
A young speaker ? Whoever he is, he speaks more eloquently than any 
man I have yet heard in the house.' I took great pains to learn people's 



49 

sentiments, and found them all in his favor. Mr. Garrick, a few 
days after, in a discussion on the subject, said, ' he never saw human na- 
ture more amiably displayed than in the modest manner of address, 
pathos of affection for his country, and graceful gesture, exhibited by 
Mr. Cruger in his speech.' I am thus particular because you must be 
curious to know what reception the first American member met with in 
the most august assembly in Europe. My heart beat high with anxiety, 
I trembled when he arose with the most awful and affecting jealousy for 
the honor of my country. When ' Hear him ! hear him !' echoed through 
the house, joy rushed through every vein, and I seemed to glory in being 
a New-Yorker." 

'•'It seems to me, Mr. Editor," writes our correspondent, "that there 
could be no more fitting vehicle for publishing and recording these no- 
tices of the distinguished reputation of an accomplished son of New-York, 
than her own peculiar Knickerbocker Magazine ; especially, too, since 
the high reputation commemorated was earned in defence of American 
rights, and in the midst of the most splendid galaxy of statesmen the 
world has ever seen. Foramong his friends and associates in Parlia- 
ment, as recorded in the Life of Van Schaack, were Burke, Fox, and 
Sheridan ; and ' particularly with Charles James Fox his political prin- 
ciples brought him into great intimacy ; and he was one of that illustri- 
ous band of the champions of freedom who espoused the American cause 
in the British Parliament. With the distinguished reputation of their 
opponents, constituting a long list of eminent British statesmen of that 
day, -every educated man is, of course, familiar. 

Mr. Cruger returned to his native city of New- York, where he resided 
during the latter portion of his life, and where he died, at the advanced 
age of ninety years.' We have in our possession several of the doggerel 
hand-bills alluded to in our November issue, but, having already pre- 
sented liberal extracts from this species of of election-literature, we shall 
forego their publication for the present. " Oh ! the Golden Days of Harry 
Cruger" is quite a long 'poem,' in which enthusiastic admiration of that 
gentleman, and hatred of his opponents, are described in language unmis- 
takably plain. Kindred songs, embracing labored acrostics upon his 
name, sufficiently attest the great popularity which Mr. Cruger must 
have won at the hands of his constituents. 



50 



II. 



Extracts from the first speech in Parliament of Henry Cruger, Esq. 
To J. Hughes, Esq., Editor of the National Register : 

Dear Sir : — I proceed to redeem my promise to you of furnishing some 
extracts from the speeches of Mr. Henry Cruger, (originally of New- 
York,) delivered in the British Parliament during the year 1774, in de- 
fence of American rights and liberties. Mr. Cruger, though born in 
New- York, resided chiefly in Bristol, (England) where he was, like his 
father, a wealthy merchant, and Mayor of the city at the time of his 
election to Parliament as colleague of Edmund Burke. In the speech 
which he delivered at the hustings in Bristol, when he introduced Mr. 
Burke for the first time to his constituents, he says, in regard to the im- 
pending quarrel between Great Britain and the Colonies : — " As far as 
the impulse of my power can be felt, it shall be exerted to heal and re- 
concile the unhappy differences now existing, and not to foment them. 
I consider the commercial interests of England and the Colonies as one 
and the same — they are reciprocal and perfectly coincident. God, na- 
ture, and sound policy, have linked them together in the strongest bonds 
of amity, mutual interest and safety, and he who would divide them, has 
either a weak head or a bad heart." 

In Parliament, during the session of that year, he used every effort to 
induce the ministry to adopt conciliatory measures, urging upon them 
the danger of driving the colonies into open revolution, or into the arms 
of a foreign power to escape the tyrannical oppressions of a relentless 
mother. In these warning predictions, not only in this, but in all his 
subsequent speeches, Mr. Cruger proved himself to be a true prophet as 
well as an eloquent and patriotic champion of his native land. 

In his first speech in Parliament upon this subject, on the 16th of De- 
cember, 1774, he commences as follows :* 

" I rise, sir, to say a few words on this important subject with all the 
diffidence and awe which must strike the mind on a first attempt to speak 
before so august an assembly. Had I remained silent on this occasion, 
I must have condemned myself for seeming to desert a cause which I 

* For the following and other speeches of Mr. Henry Cruger, see " The Universal 
Magazine," and other periodicals of that day. 



51 

feel it my duty to espouse. I cannot but be beard with candor and con- 
sideration by Englishmen, when what I offer is dictated by a love for my 
count/-;/. 

" I am far from approving all the proceedings in America. Many of 
their measures have been a discredit to their cause. Their rights might 
have been asserted without violence, and their claims stated with temper 
as well as firmness. But permit me to say, sir, that if they have erred, 
it must be considered as the failing of human nature. A people animated 
with the love of liberty, and alarmed with the apprehension of its being 
in danger, will unavoidably run into excesses. The history of mankind 
declares it in every page, and Britons ought to view with an eye of ten- 
derness, acts of imprudence to which their fellow-citizens in America may 
have been hurried ; not, as has been unkindly said, by a mere rebellious 
spirit, but by that generous spirit of freedom which has often led their 
own ancestors into indiscretions. But, sir, you may be assured that acts 
of severity will be far from having a tendency to eradicate jealousy and 
discontent ; on the contrary, they must produce new fears and new com- 
plaints, and endanger that attachment and obedience whicli kindness and 
gentleness might have insured. 

" No country has ever been more happy in her colonies than Great 
Britain; cemented by mutual interests, (until the era of the fatal Stamp 
Act) they flourished in an intercourse of amity, protection and obedience, 
supporting and supported by each other. Before that hated period, you 
met with no instances of disobedience to your laws — no denial of the 
jurisdiction of Parliament — no mark of jealousy — no murmurs of discon- 
tent. But our Colonists ever loved liberty. Their zeal for it is coeval 
with their first emigration to America. They were persecuted for it in 
this country, and they sought a sanctuary in the unexplored regions of 
the west. They cleared their inhospitable wilds, cultivated their lands, 
and poured the wealth which they derived from agriculture and commere 
into the bosom of their mother country. 

•• You protected them in their infant state, and they returned the obli- 
gation by confining to you the benefits of their trade. You regulated 
their commerce for the advantage of this country, and they never evinced 
the slightest opposition either to the authority or the exercise of this 
power. Were these evidences of a spirit of disaffection toward Great 
Britain, or ingratitude for her protection ? Were they not, on the con- 
trary, proofs that if the same course of mild and lenient government had 
been pursued, the same cordiality, attachment and submission would have 
been continued. 

" Every American who loves his country must wish the prosperity of 
Great Britain, must desire that their union may ever subsist in uninter- 
rupted harmony. If the parental trunk be injured, the branches must suf- 



52 

fer with it. A due subordination on the part of the colonies is essential 
to this union. I acknowledge, sir, that there must exist a power some- 
where to superintend and regulate the movements of the whole, for the 
attainment and preservation of our common happiness ; and this supreme 
power can be justly and adequately exercised only by the legislature of 
Great Britain. In this doctrime the Colonies tacitly and willingly ac- 
quisced, and were happy. England has enjoyed from it all the advan- 
tages of an exclusive trade. Why, then, would you strain this authority 
so far as to render a submission to it impossible without a surrender of 
those liberties which are the most valuable to civil society, and which 
were ever acknowledged to be the birthright of an Englishman. While 
Great Britain derives from the Colonies the most ample supplies of wealth 
by her commerce, is it not an absurd fatuity to close up these channels 
for the sake of a claim of imposing such taxes as (though but a young 
member) I will dare to say, never have and never will defray the expense 
and trouble of collecting them. 

" The expediency of coercive measures is much insisted on by some, 
who, I am sorry to say, seem to consider more the distress and difficulty 
into which they may involve the Americans, than the benefits they can 
procure from such vindictive conduct to this country. Humanity, how- 
ever, will prompt the generous mind to weep over severities, even when 
they are necessary. And the prudent statesman will reflect that the 
Colonies cannot suffer without injury to the mother country. They are 
your customers — they consume your manufactures — and, by distressing 
them, if you do not drive them to foreign markets, you will at least disable 
them from taking your commodities, and from making you adequate re- 
turns for what they have taken. 

"Even should coercive measures reduce them to an acknowledegment 
of the equity of Parliamentary taxation, what are the advantages that 
will result from it ? Can it be believed that Americans will be dragooned 
into a conviction of this right ? Will severities increase their affection 
and make them more desirous of a connection with, and dependence on 
Great Britain ? Is it not, on the contrary, reasonable to conclude that 
the effect will be an increase of jealousy and discontent? That they 
will seek all occasions of evading laws imposed on them by violence ? 
That they will be restless under the yoke and think themselves happy 
in any opportunity of flying to the protection of some other power, from 
the subjection of a mother whom they consider cruel and vindicative? 

" I would not be understood, sir, to deny altogether the good intentions 
of administration. The abilities of the minister,* it seems, are universally 
acknowledged. But, sir, I must add the maxim of ' humanum est errari." 
And though an American, I must applaud his zeal for the dignity of par- 

* Lord North. 



53 

liament, and must think the impolicy and inexpediency of the late mea- 
sures may reasonably be imputed to the difficulty and embarrassments 
of the occasion, and the unsettled and undefined nature of the dependence 
of the Colonies on the mother country. But, on the other hand, candor 
must admit the same apology for any violence or mistakes of the Ameri- 
cans. 

" But, sir, since these measures have been found, by sad experience, 
to be totally inexpedient ; since they have served only to widen the 
breach instead of closing it — have diminished the obedience of the Colo- 
nies instead of confirming it — have increased their turbulence and oppo- 
sition instead of allaying them — it may well be hoped that a different 
course of conduct and of treatment may be pursued ; and some firm, 
enlightened and liberal constitution be adopted by the wisdom of this 
House, which may secure the Colonists in the enjoyment of their liberties, 
while it maintains the just supremacy of parliament." 

This, I think, my dear sir, will be sufficient for the present article ; 
as I do not wish to engross too much space in your valuable journal, 
even for these most interesting records of the eloquent and patriotic ef- 
forts of an American orator, who was the first, and until very recently, 
the only American ever elected to the British Parliament. It is my in- 
tention to send you, occasionally, further extracts from the speeches of 
Mr. Henry Cruger, while Mayor of Bristol, both on the hustings and in 
parliament, advocating, with ardent zeal and lofty patriotism, even in the 
land of the oppressor, the rights and liberties of his country. 



Ill 



Extracts from the second speech of Henry Cruger, in Parliament, on Mr. 
Fox's motion for "An Inquiry into the causes of the ill success of his 
Majesty's arms in North America." 

'■ Mr. Speaker : The honorable gentleman who opened this debate, has 
spoken so fully and eloquently to every part of the question, that anything 
further in support of this motion may appear unnecessary. But, sir, when 
a subject of so much importance is before the House, it behooves every 
man to lay aside all reserve and diffidence, and to express his sentiments 
with freedom and candor. If there is any point in which the different 
interests of this House should unite, it must be in a conviction of the 



54 

necessity and expediency of inquiring into the causes of the present 
alarming state of public affairs. By discovering what has proved 
injurious and ruinous in the past, we may learn at least to avoid the 
same pernicious steps for the future. If their measures had been con- 
ducted with justice and prudence, it is a duty that Administration owe to 
their characters, to disarm, by a free examination, that censure on their 
conduct which may possibly arise from ignorance. But if they love 
darkness rather than light, 'because their deeds are evil,' it becomes the 
duty of the guardians of the nation to drag their miscarriages and mis- 
deeds into open day, and to expose them, with all their deformities, to 
public investigation. 

"If, Mr. Speaker, such an inquiry was ever necessary, the present time 
assuredly demands it. If we look to the past, one uniform train of disap- 
pointments and misfortunes crowd the view. If to the future, a gloomy 
prospect of increasing miseries, from a continuance of the same left- 
handed policy, and ill-projected measures. 

"We are involved, sir, in a war in which success itself would be 
ruinous to Great Britain. The colonies, as if animated with one soul, 
are determined to perish or be free. We are told they must be subdued. 
We shall soon be called upon to make new exertions of force. Every- 
thing wears the aspect of hostile preparations ; and, as if disappointment 
could create confidence, we are urged to pursue the same fatal measures 
by arguments drawn from their miscarriage. ' Nothing' (it is now said,) 
'will satisfy America but independence — that the people of that country 
have almost unanimously taken up arms — they act not only on the defen- 
sive, but have endeavored to deprive you of all Canada. An inquiry 
(they say,) would produce a fatal procrastination — that the urgency and 
necessity of the case demand and justify immediate vigor and execution. 
These measures must be pursued, or the government of the colonies sur- 
rendered to an ambiguous Congress.' 

" Such, sir, are the reasons advanced to preclude inquiry, and to pro- 
cure a hasty acquiescence in schemes of policy, on which the fate of the 
empire so materially depends. By such arguments as these our jealousy 
is excited, and our resentment inflamed, against a people, who, after the 
most earnest endeavors to preserve their liberties from invasion, by peti- 
tion and remonstrance — after having repeatedly submitted their com- 
plaints (without effect) to the justice of parliament, and laid them humbly 
at the foot of the throne — after beholding the most formidable preparations 
to divest them of their Rights by the sword — after finding hostilities 
already commenced, and fresh violence threatened, have taken up arms 
in their own defence, and endeavored to repel destructive force by force. 
The complexion and character, sir, of their present opposition (whether 
unjust or honorable,) rests not on their present measures, but arises from, 



55 

and must be weighed by the causes which have made such conduct and 
such measures necessary. A free and impartial inquiry, therefore, into 
the leading and primary causes is indispensably necessary to a just deci- 
sion of the case. If their claims of exemption from Parliamentary taxa- 
tion are founded in equity and the principles of the constitution — if they 
have been driven by a wanton, cruel and impolitic attack on their privi- 
leges to their present desperate defence — then, sir, the whole guilt and 
censure is chargeable on those, and those alone, whose ambition and ill- 
directed measures have forced them to those extremities. Thus also, if 
a form of government, is introduced into Canada, [breathing little of the 
spirit of English liberty,] and intended to link the Canadians to the chain 
of ministerial influence — if they scrupled not to make a religion which 
has so often deluged Europe with blood an engine of their despotism to 
crush the Protestant colonies — if every artifice was used to seduce and 
employ a servile, bigoted people to subvert the liberties of America, can 
we wonder, sir, can we complain, if the colonists wisely diverted the 
storm, and secured a country to their own alliance, the strength and arms 
of which were avowedly to be directed to their destruction % 

" When what was dearer to them than their lives — their liberties — were 
at stake — when, Mr. Speaker, their opposition to government reached no 
higher than petition and remonstrance, then they were stigmatized with 
want of courage. Every method was taken to irritate them. Insults on 
their character as a people were added to encroachments on their Rights 
as citizens. The partisans of confident oppression represented them as 
a herd of pusilanimous wretches, whom the appearance of martial array 
would terrify into submission. How unjust — how impolitic, to reduce 
men to the miserable alternative of being branded with the epithet of 
cowards, or of taking up arms to vindicate their injured honor and violated 
liberties — first, to compel them to resistance, and then to derive argu- 
ments of their guilt from their vigor, courage and success. How con- 
temptible the cause which pleads the misfortunes it has occasioned as 
reasons for its support ! 

" The arguments of Administration, stripped of their false colorings, 
with all humility, I conceive to be these: 'We have plunged Great 
Britain into a most expensive and ruinous contest with her colonies; we 
have opened the door for endless animosities, by reviving disputed ques- 
tions and claims which shake the foundation of the empire. The mea- 
sures we have pursued have increased the storm, and multiplied the com- 
mon misfortunes. We have united all America in a firm league against 
you. Your trade has been impaired — your ships insulted and taken. 
We have lost for you every place of strength or importance in the colo- 
nies; we have left you an army broken by sickness, fatigue and 
want, and now perishing under all the mortifications, ignominy and 



I 



56 

miseries of an inglorious imprisonment. These (say they) are our pleas 
for support — these are the recommendations of our councils. We lay 
before you the disasters and evils which our past measures have pro- 
duced, to persuade you to place new confidence in our wisdom, and to 
give more liberal aid to our judicious schemes for the future.' 

" These however, sir, are not the only 'blushing honors' which deck the 
brows of the present Administration. They have lately displayed the 
happy art of drawing arguments in their favor from the misfortunes of 
their friends, as well as from the success of their enemies, and thus prove 
themselves as incapable of gratitude as of justice. I When gentlemen in 
this House (influenced by motives of humanity,) recommended an ex- 
ception of the friends of Government in the colonies from the rigors of the 
late prohibitory bill, Administration suddenly changed its voice, and those 
who just before had boasted that a majority of the Americans were 
friendly to their cause, and only waited an opportunity to declare it with 
safety, now pronounced that no distinction could be made, for that they 
had preserved at best ' a shameful neutrality,' and deserved to be subject 
to the common calamity of their country. This, sir, was the liberal re- 
ward bestowed on men who espoused their cause from principle, and 
maintained it undaunted and unsupported through obloquy and the most 
imminent danger to their lives, their fortunes and their families. By this 
impolicy, (to call it by no harsher name,) the command and management 
of the key to American affairs has been lost to this country ; a speedy and 
effectual security of which might have saved us from the present gloomy 
prospect of intestine carnage and accumulating misery. Surely, sir, the 
representative body of the nation are bound in duty to their constituents 
to examine the reasons of such neglect and misconduct ; and those in par- 
ticular who are the asserters of parliamentary supremacy are concerned 
to inquire why so effectual a method of weakening the opposition in Ame- 
rica and supporting their own adherents has been totally neglected. 

" But, sir, there is no necessity of dwelling on this circumstance to prove 
the obligations this country is under to ministers. Disappointment and 
•disgrace have marked all their measures, and, as if miracles had been 
wrought to strike conviction on this House, they have not even once 
blundered into success. It may, therefore, reasonably be hoped, that 
before we blindly proceed any farther, we may not only pause to con- 
template our present situation, and the ground we have already passed 
over, but pay particular attention to that which lies before us. 

" Admitting for the present, sir, that a force sufficient to subdue the 
colonies can be sent out — admitting that this country will patiently bear 
the enormous weight of accumulated taxes, which so distant and unequal 
a war will require — admitting that foreign powers (the natural enemies 
of Britain,) will, with composure and self-denial, neglect so favorable an 



57 

opportunity of distressing their rivals — admitting that your fleets, un- 
opposed, shall level to the ground those cities which rose under your pro- 
tection, became the pillars of your commerce, and your nation's boast — 
admitting that foreign mercenaries spread desolation, that thousands fall 
before them, and that, humbled under the combined woes of poverty, 
anarchy, want and defeat, the exhausted colonies fill suppliant at the 
feet ot their conquerors — admitting all this will be the case, (which cannot 
well be expected from the past,) there necessarily follows a most momen- 
tous question : What are the great advantages that Great Britain is to re- 
ceive in exchange for the blessings of paace ani a lucrative commerce, 
for the affection and loyalty, for the prosperity, for the lives of so many 
of its useful subjects sacrificed ? Would the bare acknowledgement of a 
right in Parliament to tax them, compensate for the millions expended, 
the dangers incurred, the miseries entailed, the destruction of human 
happiness and of life that must ensue from a war with our colonies, 
united as they are in one common cause, and fired to desperate enthusiasm 
by apprehensions of impending slavery ? Or can you be so absurd as to 
imagine that concessions extorted in a time of danger and of urgent 
misery, will form a bond of lasting union ? Impoverished and undone by 
their exertions, and the calamities of war, instead of being able to repay 
the expenses of this country, or to supply a revenue, they would stand in 
need of your earliest assistance to revive depressed and almost extin- 
guished commerce, as well as to renew and uphold their necessary civil 
establishments. 

"I am well aware, sir, that it is said we must maintain the dignity of 
Parliament. Let me ask what dignity is that which will not descend to 
make millions happy — which will sacrifice the treasures and best blcod 
of the nation to extort submissions, fruitless submissions, that will be 
disavowed and disregarded the moment the compulsory, oppressive force 
is removed ? What dignity is that which, to enforce a disputed mode 
of obtaining a revenue, will destroy commerce, spread poverty and deso- 
lation, and dry up every channel, every source, from which either revenue 
or any real substantial benefit can be expected ? 

" Is it not high time then, Mr. Speaker, to examine the full extent of 
our danger, to pause and mark the paths which have misled us, and the 
wretched, bewildered guides who have brought us into our present diffi- 
culties ? Let us seek out the destroying angel, and stop his course, while 
we have yet anything valuable to preserve. The breach is not yet irre- 
parable, and permit me, with all deference, to say, I have not a doubt but 
that liberal and explicit terms of reconciliation, with a full and firm 
security against any unjust or oppressive exercise of parliamentary taxa- 
tion, if held out to the colonies before the war takes a wider and more 
destructive course, will lead speedily to a settlement, and recall the 

8 



58 

former years of peace, when the affections and interests of Great Britain 
and America were one. 

" But, sir, if, on the contrary, we are to plunge deeper into this sea of 
blood ; if we are to sacrifice the means and materials of revenue for un- 
just distinctions about the modes of raising it; if the laurels we can gain, 
and the dignity of Parliament we are to establish, can be purchased only 
by the miseries of our fellow-subjects, whose losses are our own ; if the 
event is precarious, and the cause alien to the spirit and humanity of 
Englishmen ; if the injury is certain, and the object of success unsub- 
stantial and insecure, how little soever the influence my poor opinion and 
arguments can have on this House, I shall at least free my conscience by 
having explicitly condemned all such impolitic, unjust, inadequate, inju- 
dicious measures, and by giving to this motion my most hearty concur, 
rence and support." 



IV. 



The members of this primordial Congress were, without exception, 
men of great distinction in the sevrral provinces which they then repre- 
sented. Many of them — such as James Olis, Timothy Ruggles, Cassar 
Rodney, Thomas McKean, the Livingstons and Rut'.edges — were among 
the earliest and not zealous originators of our first struggles for inde- 
pendence; and several on this roll of patriots, were also participators in 
the high honor of inscribing their names upon the sacred scroll which 
proclaimed our countiy to be one of the independent nations of the earth. 
Among these were the following distinguished names : 

Philip Livingston was one of the illustrious band of patriots who were 
the signers of our Declaration of Independence. His services to his native 
city and State were devoted and unremitted. For many yea:s in suc- 
cession he served as alderman in the city of New-York, and member of 
the colonial Assembly ; in both of which holies he was greatly distin- 
guished for his talents and industry in discharging the duties of chair- 
man of several of the most important committees. He was not only a 
leading member in the " Stamp Act Congress, of 1765," but of the first 
Congress at Philadelphia, in 1774, and the three subsequent Congresses 
at the same place ; and in June, 1778, he died, during the session of that 
body at York, Pennsylvania, universally esteemed and regretted. (For 
the particulars of his useful and valuable life, sec a most interesting 



59 

rketch in the "Biography of the Signers of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence.") 

John Morton, of Pennsylvania, was another of the eminent men who 
affixed their signature to that immcrtal deed. He had been for many- 
years one of the judges of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, ard one 
of her delegates in Congress, from the year 1774 until the period of his 
death. (See his biography in the above-named work.) 

Thomas McKean, of Delaware, had also the exalted privilege of sign- 
ing that sacred proclamation. He had enjoyed the highest confidence 
of his fellow-citizens from his earliest maturity until the day of his death, 
having held almost every important office in his na'ive State. In the 
year 1774 he was at the same time elected President of Delaware and 
Chief Justice of Pennsylvania. The latter office he held with great dis- 
tinction for a long seiies of years. In 1777 he was again elected Presi- 
dent of Delaware, member of Congress, and Chief Justice of Pennsylvania; 
in 1781, President of Congress ; and in 1799, Governor of Pennsylvania, 
to which office he was several times re-elected. He had also rendered 
important services to his country as a field-officer during the War of the 
Revolution. (See the "Biography of the Signers.") 

Cesar Rodney was, in every respect, one of the ablest of the great 
men who gave birth to our independence ; tracing his descent to one of 
the oldest of the noble families of Great Britain, he was yet one of the 
most democratic of that glorious band who signed the charter of our 
liberties. In his own State he was elected to almost every leading office 
in the gift of the people. Among others, he was for many years judge 
of the Supreme Court, and President of the State. To his eminent 
abilities and services as a civilian and statesman, he also added very 
important services as a general officer in the Continental Army. In the 
very interesting notice of his life published by Sanderson, are several 
confidential letters to him from the Father of our Country. 

Thomas Lynch was one of the earliest and most energetic of the 
patriots of South Carolina — for many years a leading member of her 
provincial Assembly, and father of the distinguished signer of the 
Declaration of Independence. 

Robert R. Livingston was much distinguished in his day for high 
talent and ardent patriotism. He was the father of the afterward emi- 
nent Chancellor Livingston, and cousin of his colleague in Congress, the 
Hon. Philip Livingston. 



\A) 



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JOURNAL 



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